By Kevin E. Noonan --
It has been one of Justice Gorsuch's signature judicial goals to overturn the Court's Chevron U.S.A., Inc. v. Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc. decision and while it has taken seven years for a case to arise giving him the opportunity to persuade his colleagues to do so, the Loper case provided that opportunity (regardless of the amount of effort or lack of it required to accomplish the goal).
The concurrence sets out the issue not as one between the co-equal branches of our government but as "between individuals and the government," providing a populist gloss otherwise not mentioned in either the majority opinion or dissent (and perhaps providing a glimpse into the philosophical underpinnings of the Justice's passion for overturning Chevron). Terming the Chevron approach to be a "radically different approach" the Justice's opines that over time "the error of this approach became widely appreciated" and uses as evidence the Court's refusal to apply the doctrine since 2016 (nicely illustrating the judicial maneuver decried by Justice Kagan in her dissenting opinion of "overruling-through-enfeeblement"). As stated right at the outset, the Justice has penned his concurrence to "address why the proper application of the doctrine of stare decisis supports that course" (something the dissent vigorously opposes and the majority opinion discussed more cursorily).
The Justice begins his concurrence with his history of judicial norms, including stare decisis over time, seeking to clarify what in his view is the proper role of judges and to what extent they are (or should be) bound by prior decisions. In England, the judge's role was limited to specifically not make law (which was restricted to the King and Parliament) but to interpret it in the context of the historical consolidation of England into a single kingdom. But a judge's opinion and "the law" were not considered "one and the same thing," the Justice providing his own citation to Blackstone (1 W. Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England 71 (1765)). Rather than bind later judges, an earlier judge's decision was considered to be "evidence" of what the law was which varied with the weight later judges gave them. These distinctions were also considered regarding the effect on later cases of "[d]icta, stray remarks, and digressions" (given less weight but were not considered entirely worthless) as opposed to "[a]n opinion's holding and the reasoning essential to it."
The relevance of this historical/rhetorical sojourn, according to the concurrence, is that "there are good reasons to think that the common law's understandings of judges and precedent outlined [herein] crossed the Atlantic and informed the nature of the 'judicial Power' the Constitution vests in federal courts" under Article III. These include that in addition to being drafted and adopted "against the backdrop of these understandings" there are specific passages in our Constitution that support the Justice's insight and interpretations (in his view, of course) throughout that document (which are set out in the concurring opinion). In this context is the important principle that the judiciary is a "neutral party" [that can] 'interpret and apply' the law without fear or favor in a dispute between others," citing Osborn v. Bank of United States, 9 Wheat. 738, 866 (1824) (the need thereof being consistent with the rather adversarial view of "citizens and their government" espoused at the beginning of the concurrence, rather than mere allocation of the capacity to decide between different branches of those citizens' government). And the concurrence suggests that the limited power of stare decisis in England was transported to this country due to these similarities (suggesting darkly a broader attack on established legal principles that could lead to unbridled judicial hegemony over established law). "Plucking" (or at least cherry picking) from numerous 19th Century decisions and extrajudicial statements by past statesmen (Including Abraham Lincoln) the concurrence weaves a tapestry swathed in apparent reasonableness diminishing the power of stare decisis as never being binding on future courts but rather providing evidence or guidance regarding what the later law should or could be. The Justice's conclusion from these assessments are summarized in the opinion as three "lessons":
First, "a past decision may bind the parties to a dispute, but it provides this Court no authority in future cases to depart from what the Constitution or laws of the United States ordain." This principle is supported by consideration of "flawed" decisions and when that flaw is constitutional or related to particular statutes and the Court's capacity for correction (and thus not bound by stare decisis).
Second, "[w]hile judicial decisions may not supersede or revise the Constitution or federal statutory law, they merit our 'respect as embodying the considered views of those who have come before,'" citing Ramos v. Louisiana, 590 U. S. 83, 105 (2020). A judge must "weigh his view of what the law demands against the thoughtful views of his predecessors" which are "a font of established wisdom richer than what can be found in any single judge or panel of judges." Precedent's primary power is the power to persuade later judges, the concurrence maintains. (Ironically, the principles of workability and reliance, the first of which was used by the majority to support their decision to overturn Chevron, "do not often supply reason enough on their own to abide a flawed decision" but do they provide sufficient motivation to overturn it?).
Third, "it would be a mistake to read judicial opinions like statutes" because judicial decisions "render a judgment based only on the factual record and legal arguments the parties at hand have chosen to develop" (those decisions being made before a backdrop of earlier decisions and settled law being unmentioned). The concurrence properly notes that judges must "appreciate the possibility that different facts and different legal arguments may dictate a different outcome (but unspoken is the principle that this does not imply that these differences mandate or permit changes in settled law). The concurrence, placing the blame on the innately digressive characteristic of judges, asserts that many decisions are infused with "vapours and fumes of law" (citing 2 The Works of Francis Bacon 478 (B. Montagued. 1887)) (apparently meaning dicta) that "cannot 'control the judgment in a subsequent suit,'" citing Cohens v. Virginia, 6 Wheat. 264, 399 (1821).
The upshot of these considerations in the concurrence is the judicial Goldilocks principle that there is a "just right" amount and degree of precedential authority that such earlier decisions can be given (that "sweet spot" being defined only by the decision maker to which the issue is posed). Citing Brown v. Davenport, 596 U. S. 118, 141 (2022), the Justice asserts that over reliance on stare decisis can "turn stare decisis from a tool of judicial humility into one of judicial hubris."
The concurrence applies these "lessons" to Chevron as follows:
Lesson 1, because Chevron deference contravenes the law Congress prescribed in the Administrative Procedure Act.
Lesson 2, because Chevron deference runs against mainstream currents in our law regarding the separation of powers, due process, and centuries-old interpretive rules that fortify those constitutional commitments.
Lesson 3, because to hold otherwise would effectively require us to endow stray statements in Chevron with the authority of statutory language, all while ignoring more considered language in that same decision and the teachings of experience.
The concurrence's explication of these conclusions mirror the analysis in the majority opinion (and won't be repeated here; see "Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo (2024)") except to the extent they do not. Regarding the APA in Lesson 1 the concurrence is concerned that an agency can interpret a statute outside the scope of what a court has, can, or would do, and such interpretations can be changed at any time by the agency that could "effectively overrule not only their own past interpretations of a law but a court's past interpretation as well." Lesson 2 "cannot rescue Chevron deference in Justice Gorsuch's opinion because "[i]f stare decisis calls for judicial humility in the face of the written law, it also cautions us to test our present conclusions carefully against the work of our predecessors" (reiterating the arguments here and in the majority opinion regarding "how our predecessors traditionally understood the judicial role in disputes over a law's meaning"; these arguments include citations to Marbury v Madison, The Federalist, and United States v. Dickson, 15 Pet. 141, 162 (1841) (Story, J.). And again raising the possibility that a court would need to defer insofar as "the government could propound a 'reasonable' view of the law's meaning one day, a different one the next, and bind the judiciary always to its latest word" or that the Executive could override judicial precedent. Giving the Executive branch due respect does not require courts to defer wherein "by no means [can the Executive's decisions] control the action or the opinion of this court in expounding the law with reference to the rights of parties litigant before them," citing Irvine v. Marshall, 20 How. 558, 567 (1858). Justice Gorsuch's assessment of the Chevron regime is that "it did not merely depart from our precedents. More nearly, Chevron defied them."
The concurrence also sees a parallel between King George's efforts to dominate the colonial judiciary and Chevron, and the American response to the King's effort by making "considered judgment to build judicial independence into the Constitution's design [by] vest[ing] the judicial power in decisionmakers with life tenure" under Article III (as well as other bases for judicial independence). In the Justice's view, Chevron deference undermines all that (citing many of the aspects of the Chevron regime recited in the majority opinion's grounds for overturning Chevron). The opinion sees Chevron as enabling the Executive branch to "effectively judge the scope of their own lawful powers," citing Arlington v. FCC, 569 U. S. 290, 296–297 (2013). And citing Blackstone the interpretive powers granted the Executive bureaucracy echoes the capacity Blackstone warned about should "magistrates" be permitted to "discard an old meaning and assign a new one to a law's terms, all without any legislative revision" under circumstances where a "reasonable bureaucrat may change his mind year-to-year and election-to-election," thereby reducing or destroying public certainty (wherein "the people are left to guess about their legal rights and responsibilities" as a result).
Justice Gorsuch's analysis of the Chevron regime is frankly disparaging, terming the determinations of ambiguity to be something of a "Snark hunt" (some judges see it everywhere, some judges never see it) but in any case where these decisions always inure to the "benefit" of the Federal government (and the courts' assessment of whether the agency's interpretation of the statute is also fraught with ""wildly different" approaches and reached wildly different conclusions" even in similar cases, citing Kavanaugh, Fixing Statutory Interpretation, 129 Harv. L. Rev. 2118, 2152 (2016) (the cases before the Court on appeal illustrating this situation in the Justice's view).
The concurrence also has little use for claims that allegiance to Chevron involves reliance interests, asserting that "the whole point of Chevron deference is to upset [reliance interests]," ostensibly because "executive officials can replace one 'reasonable' interpretation with another at any time, all without any change in the law itself" (citing National Cable & Telecommunications Assn. v. Brand X Internet Services, 545 U. S. 967, 982–983 (2005), as an example of such changes in how agencies interpret the law; tellingly that decision arose prior to any of these changes). The concurrence purports to be concerned with the effects of such changes on "ordinary people" because "sophisticated entities" (and, ominously, "their lawyers") can take steps (from "keeping up" with such changes to lobbying), illustrating the "ordinary people" example with Buffington v. McDonough involving an Air Force veteran injured in the line of duty that fell afoul of regulations ("self-serving," according to the Justice) involving disability benefits. The concurrence asserts that the government used Chevron to convince a court that the Department of Defense's interpretation of the statute resulting in the loss of those benefits was reasonable (it was not sufficiently unreasonable for the Court to grant certiorari, apparently). The Justice also includes the story of a case in which he presided at the appellate court in which the Board of Immigration Appeals overturned an earlier interpretation of a rule to the detriment of immigrants who had relied on it (other examples among the "so many" are further cited in the opinion). The concurrence pits "the Constitution, the APA, and our longstanding precedents" against government claims that Chevron deference "has become a 'fundamenta[l] . . . ground rul[e] for how all three branches of the government are operating together,'" further illustrating the fundamentally adversarial tone of the concurrence (and to a lesser degree the majority opinion).
The concurrence also characterizes Chevron as "a counter-Marbury revolution, one at war with the APA, time honored precedents, and so much surrounding law" that is the result of "endow[ing] a stray passage in a judicial decision with extraordinary authority." In Chevron, a "bare quorum" of the Chevron Court (the same quorum reaching the majority's decision) affirmed the Environmental Protection Agency's definition of the term "stationary sources." According to the concurrence, from "bits and pieces" of this decision arose the Chevron analytical regime that the concurrence and majority opinions so mightily complain about, wherein much of these bits and pieces of legal analysis not arising from positions taken by the government (and of course not taking into account the majority's and concurrence's concerns regarding contrary considerations under the APA).
The concurrence attempts to normalize the disregard for stare decisis in the Court's overthrow of Chevron by first "blaming" deceased former Justice Scalia for promoting the Chevron regime in NLRB v. Food & Commercial Workers, 484 U.S. 112, 133–134 (1987), and then, acting like a repentant apostate losing faith with its consequences and arguing for the Court to reconsider it in Northwest Environmental Defense Center, 568 U.S. 597, 617–618, 621 (2013), and Perez v. Mortgage Bankers Assn., 575 U.S. 92, 109–110 (2015). The concurrence notes that several current members of the Court began to show similar reservations, so much so that the Chevron decision was effectively ended (by what Justice Kagan's dissent terms "overruling-through-enfeeblement") until this case raised the opportunity to, in Justice Gorsuch's words, "place[] a tombstone on Chevron no one can miss."
Ultimately, the concurrence bases its justification for overturning Chevron as an opportunity to correct mistakes, and certainly there is an argument to be made that if there is a Court where it can be inappropriate to use stare decisis as a guiding principle (insofar as it prevents mistake correction) it is the Supreme Court (see "Alternative Reasoning for Supreme Court's Life Sciences Subject Matter Eligibility Jurisprudence"). But that aspect of the Court's power under Article III comes with the need for due consideration of the consequences, something apparently understood by the dissent more readily than either the majority or the concurrence, for whom it appears that correcting doctrinal error is more important that (potentially) throwing into chaos how the laws enacted by Congress are executed (and inflating the powers of unelected judges to counter the policies of their elected officials). This decision creates another governance experiment in a system whose very existence is an experiment. If it fails during the tenure of any of the Justices who concurred with this decision it can be hoped that in their turn they will have the "judicial humility" to admit their mistakes.
Top Stories of 2023: #8 to #10
By Donald Zuhn –-
After reflecting upon the events of the past twelve months, Patent Docs presents its 17th annual list of top patent stories. For 2023, we identified ten stories that were covered on Patent Docs last year that we believe had (or are likely to have) a significant impact on patent practitioners and applicants. Today, we count down stories #10 to #8, and later this week we will count down the remaining top stories of 2023. As with our other lists (2022, 2021, 2020, 2019, 2018, 2017, 2016, 2015, 2014, 2013, 2012, 2011, 2010, 2009, 2008, and 2007), links to our coverage of these stories (as well as a few links to articles on related topics) have been provided in case you missed the articles the first time around or wish to go back and have another look. As always, we love to hear from Patent Docs readers, so if you think we left something off the list or disagree with anything we included, please let us know. In addition, we will be offering a live webinar on the "Top Patent Law Stories of 2023" on January 23, 2024 from 10:00 am to 11:15 am (CT). Details regarding the webinar, which will focus on a few of the most important stories on this year's list, can be found here.
10. Debate on Expansion of COVID Waiver Continues; WHO Releases Draft Agreement on Pandemic Prevention, Preparedness, and Response
The year began with the World Health Organization (WHO) releasing a draft agreement on pandemic prevention, preparedness, and response in February for consideration by the Intergovernmental Negotiating Body (INB), which is comprised of the 194 Member States of the WHO, and which was established in December 2021 at a special session of the WHO's World Health Assembly to draft and negotiate an agreement to strengthen global pandemic prevention, preparedness, and response. The draft includes a 49-clause preamble, with at least ten of the clauses concerning intellectual property. The agreement is expected to be agreed upon by the World Health Assembly in 2024.
And the year ended with the International Trade Commission (ITC) issuing a Report, in response to a request by the U.S. Trade Representative, Ambassador Katherine Tai, in anticipation of negotiations over expansion of the World Trade Organization (WTO) IP waiver that applies to COVID-19 vaccines (but not yet to COVID-19 diagnostics and therapeutic drugs). The mandate from the Trade Representative was that the ITC Report be a product of market and other research within the Commission's expertise and also reflect the views of stakeholders and the public, and that the Report would not have as a goal to "draw any policy conclusions." Despite not drawing any policy conclusions, however, the ITC Report has renewed discussions in some quarters over expansion of the COVID-19 waiver, the deadline of which was extended indefinitely in December 2022 (see "Nine Countries Seek Extension of WTO Waiver to COVID-19 Therapeutics and Diagnostics" and "Top Four Stories of 2022").
For information regarding this and other related topics, please see:
• "International Trade Commission Issues Report of COVID-19 IP Waiver," November 8, 2023
• ""Zero Draft" of WHO CA+ Released," February 7, 2023
9. Supreme Court Declines to Hear Teva Pharmaceuticals v. GlaxoSmithKline
In May, the Supreme Court declined to grant certiorari in Teva Pharmaceuticals USA v. GlaxoSmithKline LLC, disregarding the views of the Solicitor General regarding whether to grant cert. Perhaps the Justices felt that the Federal Circuit's backtracking in its second panel decision on the breadth of infringement inducement set forth in its first decision, in light of then Chief Judge Prost's strong dissent and the firestorm of protest (public and through amicus briefing regarding Teva's petition for rehearing), was enough to cabin the decision to the somewhat unique facts in the case. The petition for cert. involved the Federal Circuit's decisions in GlaxoSmithKline LLC v. Teva Pharmaceuticals USA, Inc. (Fed. Cir. 2020) and GlaxoSmithKline LLC v. Teva Pharmaceuticals USA (Fed. Cir. 2021), in both of which former Chief Judge Prost issued strong dissents, and which concerned whether a generic applicant filing a "skinny label" ANDA could properly be found liable for inducing infringement under 35 U.S.C. § 271(b). The Court issued an Order to the Solicitor General soliciting the government's views and that brief advocated that the Court grant cert.
For information regarding this and other related topics, please see:
• "H. Lundbeck A/S v. Lupin Ltd. (Fed. Cir. 2023)*," December 18, 2023
• "Solicitor General Files Brief Advocating Certiorari Grant in Teva Pharmaceuticals v. GlaxoSmithKline; Court Declines Invitation," May 15, 2023
8. Patent Law under Attack (Again)
The New York Times is (in)famous in this space for its attacks on the patent system (see "Top Stories of 2022: #8 to #10"; #9. New York Times Reopens Attack on U.S. Patent System). And last year at this time, the Times was at it again in a front page piece on Humira, a drug used for a variety of ailments that has brought relief to millions of patients who otherwise suffered with earlier, less effective drugs. The "problem" seems to be that Humira has made a pharma company a lot of money (purportedly $116 billion), that the drug is expensive (said to cost upwards of $50,000/year) and that the drug company has amassed a large number of patents to protect its intellectual property. But as we noted in response to the Times article, the bigger problem is that the Times failed to recognize several important facts relating to the circumstances under which Humira's makers made this money and amassed its patent estate (or "thicket" as the anti-patent crowd likes to call it).
In May, the U.S. Senate's Health, Education, Labor & Pensions (HELP) Committee passed out of committee five bills that attempted to address high drug prices: the Ensuring Timely Access to Generics Act of 2023 (S. 1067); the Expanding Access to Low-Cost Generics Act of 2023 (S. 1114); the Retaining Access and Restoring Exclusivity Act (S. 1214); and the Increasing Transparency in Generic Drug Applications Act (S. 775). And in September, a letter from 25 scholars, former judges, and former government officials sent to the Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee, the Chair and Ranking Member of the House Ways and Means Committee, and the Secretary of Health and Human Services, Xavier Becerra, intended to "correct[] false claims that the federal government can use [the "march-in rights" provisions of] the Bayh-Dole Act . . . to impose price controls on prescription drugs."
Attacks on the patent system are not confined to an asserted impact of patents on drug pricing, however. Some attacking the patent system are also opposed to software patents, with such opposition seemingly being based on one or more of the false assumptions that all software patents are too broad, that it is obvious to invent software based processes, programming is an administrative activity that does not warrant patent protection, or that the patent system should not protect non-physical inventions. As we noted in July, none of these positions have any legal or technical credibility.
For information regarding this and other related topics, please see:
• "Patent Luminaries Try to Set Congress Straight on Drug Price Controls," September 26, 2023
• "FTC Announces Efforts to Police Pharmaceutical Companies' Patent Behavior," September 19, 2023
• "Drugs May Cost Too Much, But Patents Are Not the Cause," July 18, 2023
• "You Are Going to Hear A Lot More FUD about Patent Law, So Here Are Some Facts," July 5, 2023
• "Senate Once Again Tries to Address Drug Pricing," May 16, 2023
• "The New York Times Is at It Again Regarding Patents," January 29, 2023
Posted at 10:36 PM in International IP, Media Commentary, Supreme Court | Permalink | Comments (0)